FOOTNOTES

[1]I dedicate this paper to my maternal grandmother, my first teacher: Jo ham pe guzri so guzri magar shab-e-hijraan; hamaare ashk teri aaqibat sanvar chale (Faiz Ahmad Faiz). In working on this paper, I have incurred many debts in forms of constructive criticism and suggestions from Gail Minault, Sagaree Sengupta, Ali Asani, C.M. Naim, Jeruj Striedter, Valerie Turner, Manu Bhagavan, and Nilofur Sheikh. Annemarie Schimmel's scholarship remains indispensable and a source of inspiration for any such study. None of these people are, of course, responsible for the errors and omissions that might remain in this limited study.

[2]Marasi, in Urdu language, is plural for marsiya. For a discussion of the form and structure of marsiya, see C.M. Naim, "The Art of Urdu Marsiya," Islamic Society and Culture, eds. N.K. Wagle and M. Israel (New Delhi: Manohar Publications, 1983), pp.101-116.

[3]Reynold A. Nicholson, A Literary History of the Arabs (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1956), p.126.

[4]Shibli Nomani, Mawazana-e-Anis o Dabir (Allahbad: Narayan Lal Udan Kumar, 1987), pp.7-10.

[5]Mahmoud Ayoub, Redemptive Suffering in Islam: A Study of the Devotional Aspects of Ashura in Twelver Shi'ism (Hague: Mouton Publishers, 1978), pp.158-166.

[6]Islam has two major sects: Shi'is and Sunnis. The Shi'is believe that the leadership of the Islamic community should have passed down to the family of the Prophet instead of his companions. The Shi'is thus have an intense emotional relationship with the Prophet's immediate family through his daughter Fatima, and, therefore, this genre of poetry is more popular among the Shi'is. Shi'ism itself has several branches. Most Shi'is belong to the Ithna-i ashari, or the Twelver branch, and marsiya has been an essential part of the commemorative rituals of the Twelver Shi'is. For an excellent discussion of this genre in the context of contemporary Shi'i devotional rituals, see Vernon Schubel, Religious Performance in Contemporary Islam: Shi'i Devotional Rituals in South Asia (Columbia: University of South Carolina Press, 1993), pp.118-122.

[7]Wheeler Thackston, A Millennium of Classical Persian Poetry (Bethesda: Iranbooks, 1994), p.79.

[8]Zehra Eqbal Namdar, "Elegy in the Qajar Period," Ta'ziyeh: Ritual and Drama in Iran, ed. Peter Chelkowski (New York: New York University Press, 1979), pp.193-208. An account of the royal patronage for marsiya writing can also be found in Edward Browne, A Literary History of Persia, Vol. 4 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1953).

[9]Sayadah Jafar, Kulliyat-i Muhammad Quli Qutb Shah (New Delhi: Tarraqi-yi Urdu Bureau, 1985), pp.746-756.

[10]H.K. Sherwani & P.M. Joshi, History of Medieval Deccan (1295-1724) Vol. 2 (Hyderabad: The Government of Andhra Pradesh, 1974), pp.21, 28.

[11]Mir Saadat Ali Rizvi, Adil Shahi Marsiye (Hyderabad: Abulkalam Azad Oriental Research Institute, 1959), p.103.

[12]Yusuf, according to the Qu'ran, was a beautiful prophet whose brothers threw him in a well out of jealousy of his beauty and of the intense love Yaqub, Yusuf's father, had for Yusuf. Yusuf was later discovered and ultimately ended up in the court of Egypt where the queen, Zulaikha, fell in love with him. Meanwhile, Yaqub lost his sight by incessantly crying for his son. For a more detailed analysis of this motif in various genres, see Annemarie Schimmel, A Two-Colored Brocade: The Imagery of Persian Poetry (Chapel Hill: The University of North Carolina Press, 1992), pp.64-67.

[13]Muharram and Safar, the first two months of the Islamic lunar calendar, are considered by the Shi'is as the months of mourning. Hussain was martyred on the tenth day of Muharram, Ashura; many of Hussain's relatives were martyred the following month, Safar, while in Ummayad captivity. Shi'is mourn for these members of the Prophet's family during these months.

[14]Many Twelver Shi'is believe that all happy occasions must begin with the remembrance of the martyrdom of Imam Hussain. This is the reason that the first ceremony of a traditional Shi'i wedding is a majlis, in which it is customary for marasi, especially with the theme of Qasim's doomed wedding, to be recited.

[15]S.A.A. Rizvi, A Socio-Intellectual History of the Isna'Ashri Shi'is in India Vol. 2 (New Delhi: Munshiram Manoharlal Publishers, 1986), p.359.

[16]Akbar Hyder Kashmiri, Avadh mein Urdu Marsiye ka Irtiqa (Lucknow: Nizami Press, 1981), p.159.

[17]Mirza Ghalib, Diwan-i Ghalib Urdu, ed. Imtiaz Arshi (Aligarh: Anjuman Taraqi-e-Urdu Hind, 1958), pp.285-286.

[18]According to popular Shi'i perceptions, Hussain and his companions were deprived of water from the seventh day of Muharram. Mirza Dabir implies in this stanza that the Imam purposely remained thirsty and fought in the way of Truth to show his beloved, Allah, that he would go to any extent to safeguard Islam. Many marsiya writers have reflected upon the last moments of the Imam in mystical language.

[19]Zahir Fatchuri, Muntakhab Marasi-yi Dabir (Lahore: Majlis Taraqi-yi Adab, 1980), p.55.

[20]See, for example, Mir Taqi Mir, Kulliyat-i Mir, Vol. 2 (Allahbad: Ram Narang Lal Beni Madhu, 1972), p.336.

[21]There is some debate within the Shi'i community regarding this wedding. This wedding supposedly took place on the night before the battle of Karbala. Many Shi'is totally refute this tradition. In South Asia, however, the majority of Shi'i community is quite sensitive to this tradition and few religious scholars dare to publicly question it.

[22]The oppressive, grinding celestial sphere is another pervasive motif that remains common in Persian and Urdu poetry as a metaphor for fate. Firdawsi has also used this motif in his Shahnama. See Wheeler Thackston, A Millennium of Classical Persian Poetry (Bethesda, Iranbooks, 1994), p.6; Annemarie Schimmel believes that this motif "is used time and again by poets to suggest that life crushes everything mercilessly." Annemarie Schimmel, A Two-Colored Brocade: The Imagery of Persian Poetry (Chapel Hill: The University of North Carolina Press, 1992), p. 413.

[23]Mirza Rafi Sauda, Intikhab Marasi-i Mirza Sauda (Allahbad: Ram Narang Lal Beni Madhu, 1962), p.39.

[24]Muhammad Umar, Hindustani Tahzib ka Musalmanon par Asar (New Delhi: Publication Division of the Ministry of Information, 1975), pp.135-156.

[25]Sauda, op. cit., p.41.

[26]Saleha Abid Hussain, "Kalam e Anis mein Hindustani Tahzib," Urdu aur Mushtarakah Hindostani Tahzib, ed. Kamil Qureshi (Delhi: Urdu Academy, 1987), p.181.

[27]Mir Anis, Anis ke Marsiye, ed. Saleha Abid Hussain (New Delhi: Taraqi Urdu Bureau, 1990), pp.220-223.

[28]Jafar Raza, Dabistan-i Ishq ki Marsiya goi (Allahbad: National Kitab Ghar, 1973), pp.205-208.

[29]Mir Anis, Dabistan-e Anis Rawlpindi ka Yadgar Majla-e Anis (Lahore: Nasim Printing Press, 1974), p. 343.

[30]Anis, Dabistan-e Anis Rawlpindi ka Yadgar Majla-e Anis, p. 344.

[31]Ibid., pp. 347-349.

[32]According to a weak tradition, the river Euphrates was the property of Fatima, the mother of Imam Hussain. Imam Hussain's inability to get water from this river due to the Ummayad blockade was thus considered a betrayal of this river.

[33]Mujawar Hussain Rizvi, "Urdu Marsiye ke ghayr Muslim Shuara" in Urdu Marsiya, ed. Sharab Radalvi (Delhi: Urdu Academy, 1991), p. 127. Rizvi believes that such desires were buttressed by various traditions that stated Imam Hussain's willingness to migrate to India moments before the battle. The forces of the Ummayads, according to this tradition, did not allow the Imam to take this step.

[34]Kashmiri, Avadh Mein Urdu Marsiye ka Irtiqa, p.547.

[35]This is a literary genre that was popular in Iran and India, through which intellectuals expressed their views of ideal governments and hoped that their patrons (usually the rulers) heeded the advice. See Annemarie Schimmel, Mystical Dimensions of Islam (Chapel Hill: The University of North Carolina Press, 1975), p.304.

[36]Anis, op. cit., p.180.

[37]Zamir Akhtar Naqvi, Josh Malihabadi Ke Marsiye (Karachi: Idara-yi Faiz-i Adab, 1980), p. 121.

[38]Frantz Fanon, "National Culture," in The Post-Colonial Studies Reader, eds. Bill Ashcroft, Gareth Griffiths, and Helen Tiffin (London & New York: Routledge, 1995), p.155.

[39]Vahid Akhtar, Karbala ta Karbala (Aligarh: Vahid Akhtar, 1991), p.27.

[40]A version of this paper was presented at the Annual Conference for Advanced Research on Indian Studies at the University of Virginia on 23 April 1994. I would like to thank Lynn Davidman, Vinod Parvarala, participants at the Virginia conference, and an anonymous reviewer of SAGAR for their valuable suggestions and comments.

[41]See John Y. Fenton, Transplanting Religious Traditions: Asian Indians in America (New York: Praeger, 1988).

[42]This paper is based on my doctoral dissertation research which involved about three years of participant observation at the Sri Venkateswara temple in Pittsburgh, and on interviews with South Indian women and men who frequented this temple. I interviewed 40 people, including 15 couples and 10 other women. The respondents were between 23- 55 years of age and have lived in Pittsburgh between two and thirty years. All of them had children, between the ages of one and 28. Almost all the women were in professional or other jobs outside the home, some students and a few homemakers, with most of them having at least a bachelor's degree. All the men had at least a masters or a professional degree and were employed in and around Pittsburgh. In order to gain an understanding of the gender ideologies and practices of this community, I go beyond the immigrants' activities at the temple and probe their attitudes toward various aspects of domestic life.

[43]In a valuable critique of feminist scholarship, Chandra Mohanty points out that much of western feminist writings construct the "Third World" woman as "ignorant, poor, uneducated, tradition-bound, religious, domesticated, family-oriented, victimized, etc." (See Chandra Mohanty, "Under Western Eyes: Feminist Scholarship and Colonial Discourses," Feminist Review 30 (Autumn 1988): 65).) The Western woman, on the other hand, is represented as educated, modern and having the freedom to make their own decisions. Mohanty emphasizes the need to move away from such monolithic analytic constructs of the "Third World" woman.

[44]This notion of universality is expressed, for example, in book titles such as Sisterhood is Global. See Robin Morgan, ed. Sisterhood is Global: the International Women's Movement Anthology (Garden City: Anchor Press/Doubleday, 1984). [45]Faye Ginsburg and Anna Lowenhaupt Tsing (eds.) Uncertain Terms: Negotiating Gender in American Culture (Boston: Beacon Press, 1990).

[46]Anna Lowenhaupt Tsing, In the Realm of the Diamond Queen (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1993), p.18.

[47]Donna Gabaccia, "Immigrant Women: Nowhere at Home?," Journal of American Ethnic History (Summer 1991): 61-88.

[48]Sydney Stahl Weinberg, The World of Our Mothers: The Lives of Jewish Immigrant Women. (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1988), p.xx.

[49]Arlie Hochschild with Anne Machung, The Second Shift (New York: Avan Books, 1989). [50]Hochschild's study is about housework and gendered division of labor within the family. Although my study is not limited to housework, this framework can be gainfully employed to understand, more broadly, gender ideologies and practices among the immigrants in my study. [51]Hochschild, op. cit., 15. [52]Hochschild's study included dual-earner couples, most of them middle class, their friends, neighbors, day care workers and baby sitters in the Berkeley, California area. The immigrants in my study can be broadly characterized as middle and upper-middle class, but they have been socialized in a different cultural milieu. [53]See Uma Sekaran, Dual-Career Families (San Francisco: Josey Bass, 1992). [54]I did not measure the actual number of hours that each of the husbands and wives put into household work, like Hochschild did. While her study centered around housework, in my study it is only one of the ways to understand any existing gaps between gender ideology and practice.

[55In a traditional Hindu home it is considered ill-fortune to have the "master of the house" even touch a broom, let alone use it.

[56]For example, among the Telugus, when a girl reaches puberty (soon after her first period) the occasion is observed as a rite of passage. She is considered to have "matured" (Pedda Manishi in Telugu literally means a "grown-up"). Female relatives and friends are invited to the girl's home to perform the ritual. [57]Kingsley Davis, Kingsley, "Wives and Work: A theory of the Sex-Role Revolution and Its Consequences." In Feminism, Children and the New Families, eds. Sanford M. Dornbusch and Myra Stroeber (New York: Guilford Press, 1988).

[58]Josephine C. Naidoo and J. Campbell Davis. "Canadian South Asian women in transition: a dualistic view of life," Journal of Comparative Family Studies 19 (1988): 311-327.

[59]V.V.P. Rao and N.Rao, "Sex Role Attitudes of College Students in India." In Women in International Development Series. Working Paper No. 72, Michigan State University, 1984. [60]I have not interviewed the children of the immigrant generation for this study to get their side of this complex social issue. [61]Priya Agarwal, Passage from India: Post 1965 Indian Immigrants and their Children (Paolo Verdes, Ca: Yuvati Publications, 1991), p.52. [62]Many Indians believe, like parents in most other cultures, that girls should be protected more than boys from the outside world. This is because girls are more vulnerable to the ills of society, such as violence and sexual harassment. [63]For more information on this topic, please see my forthcoming article, "Gender Dynamics in Cultural Practices among South Indian Immigrants" in Women, Communities, and Cultures: South Asians in America, eds. Jyotsna Vaid and Sucheta Mazumdar.

[64]Vanaja Dhruvarajan, Hindu Women and the Power of Ideology (Massachusetts: Bergin and Garvey, 1989), p. 9. [65]Ritual purity for a traditional Hindu woman involves among other things maintaining physical distance from others during her menstrual periods. She is supposed to mingle with people only after she has "purified" herself with a ritual bath on the fourth day of her period. [66]Parvathi Menon, "The Woman's Question," India Alert Bulletin. 6:3 (1993): 16.

[67]R. S. Hegde and S. D. Dasgupta, "Convergence and Divergence from `Devi': The Model of Ideal Woman on the Indian Screen." Paper presented at the Annual Meeting of the Western Speech and Communication Association, Seattle, 1984.

[68]S. D. Dasgupta and R.S. Hegde, "The Eternal Receptacle: A Study of Mistreatment of Women in Hindi Films." In Women in Indian Society, ed. Rehana Ghadially (New Delhi: Sage, 1988).

[69]Ibid.

[70]Arjun Appadurai, "Disjuncture and Difference in the Global Cultural Economy," Public Culture 2:2 (Spring 1990): 9.

[71]Joanna Liddle and Rama Joshi, Daughters of Independence: Gender, Caste and Class in India (London: Zed Books, 1986).

[72]Veena Poonacha, "Hindutva's Hidden Agenda: Why Women Fear Religious Fundamentalism," Economic and Political Weekly (13 March 1993): 438.

[73]Shamita Das Dasgupta. "Marching to a Different Drummer? Sex Roles of Asian Indian Women in the United States," Women And Therapy 5 (1986): 309.

[74]Rama Mehta, The Western Educated Hindu Woman (New York: Asia Publishing House, 1970).

[76]The concept 'state,' as employed here, primarily refers to the executive and bureaucratic organs of government, under direction of political and bureaucratic leadership.

[77]Craig Baxter, et al., Government and Politics in South Asia (Boulder: Westview Press, 1987), pp. 148-153.

[78]Robert S. Anderson, "Cultivating Science as Cultural Policy: A Contrast of Agricultural and Nuclear Science in India," Pacific Affairs, Vol. 56, No. 1 (Spring, 1983): 38-39, 44-50.

[79]Technology Policies and Planning India (Bangalore, India: Asian and Pacific Centre for Transfer of Technology, 1986), pp. 6-9; Baldev Raj Nayar, India's Quest for Technological Independence: The Results of Policy, Vol. II (New Delhi: Lancers Publishers, 1983), pp. 528-529.

[80]Baldev Raj Nayar, India's Quest for Technological Independence: Policy Foundation and Policy Change, Vol. I (New Delhi: Lancers Publishers, 1983), p. 504.

[81]Bjorn Hettne, "Self-Reliance Versus Modernization: The Dialectics of Indian and Chinese Development Strategies," in Erik Baark and Jon Sigurdson, eds., India-China Comparative Research: Technology and Science for Development (London: Curzon Press, 1980), pp. 23-41; Aqueil Ahmad, "Science and Technology in Development: Policy Options for India and China," in Baark and Sigurdson, pp. 61-67; Eddie J. Girdner, "Economic Liberalization in India: The New Electronics Policy," Asian Survey, Vol. 27, No. 11 (November, 1987), pp. 1188-1192; Ghayur Alam, "India's Technology Policy: Its Influence on Technology Imports and Technology Development," in Ashok V. Desai, ed., Technology Absorption in Indian Industry (New Delhi: Wiley Eastern, Ltd., 1988), pp. 136-155.

[82]Yogendra K. Malik and Surinder M. Bhardwaj, "Politics, Technology, and Bureaucracies An Overview," Journal of Asian and African Studies, Vol. 17, Nos. 1-2 (1982), pp. 7-12.

[83]Nehru once asked, "What is planning, if not the application of science to our problems?" J.S. Rao, "Science and Technology in India," Science, July 12, 1985, p. 130.

[84]Technology Policies, op. cit., pp. 8-11; Srinivasan, op. cit., pp. 9, 119; M.K.G. Menon and Manju Sharma, "Science and Technology Advice: The Indian Situation," in William T. Golden, ed., Worldwide Science and Technology Advice to the Highest Levels of Governments (New York: Pergamon Press, 1991), pp. 214-216.

[85]Technology Policies, op. cit., pp. 8-11; Srinivasan, op. cit., p. 21.

[86]Specifically, Nehru wished to: 1) create a popular consciousness in favor of S&T development, 2) make Indian bureaucracy conscious of the utility of S&T, 3) involve scientists in S&T decision making, 4) use S&T to advance economic reform, 5) create an infrastructure basis for R&D, and 6) promote a "scientific temper" among India's intelligencia. Technology Policies, op. cit., pp. 11-12.

[87]Baxter, et al., op. cit., p. 153.

[88]Technology Policies, op. cit., p. 13.

[89]R. Natarajan, "Science, Technology, and Mrs. Gandhi," Journal of Asian and African Studies, Vol. 22, Nos. 3-4 (July-Oct., 1987): 232-249.

[90]J.S. Rao, pp. 130-131.

[91]Nayar, Vol. I, op. cit., pp. 500-504.

[92]Helen Gavaghan, "Science takes the stage in Gandhi's India," New Scientist (November 5, 1988): 27.

[93]Technology Policies, op. cit., pp. 14-15.

[94]Ibid., pp. 19-20.

[95]DST supports two other bodies: 1) the Natural Resources Data Management Systems, in charge of data collection and research on natural resources, and 2) the National Council for Science and Technology Communications, concerned with popularization of S&TBrian M. Murphy, The International Politics of New Information Technology (New York: St. Martin's Press, 1986), pp. 113-115.

[96]Ibid., p. 113.

[97]The World Bank, Staff Appraisal Report: India Industrial Technology Development Project (Washington: The World Bank, August 15, 1989), p. 14; Anil B. Deolalikar and Robert E. Evenson, "Private Inventive Activity in Indian Manufacturing: Its Extent and Determinants," in Evenson and Gustav Ranis, eds., Science and Technology: Lessons for Development Policy (Boulder: Westview Press, 1990), pp. 233-238.

[98]The most often cited examples are the Tata Institute of Fundamental Research (TIFR), the Bhabha Atomic Research Centre (BARC), and the Atomic Energy Commission (AEC).

[99]M. Srinivasan, Management of Science and Technology: Problems and Prospects (New Delhi: Affiliated East-West Press PVT, Ltd., 1989), pp. 44-52.

[100]Baxter, et al., op. cit., pp. 153-154.

[101]E. Sridharan, "Leadership Time Horizons in India," Asian Survey, Vol. 31, No. 12 (December, 1991): 1202-1204.

[102]National Science Foundation (U.S.), Human Resources for Science and Technology..., op. cit., pp. 96, 100, 104, 108, 112; The World Bank, Staff Appraisal Report..., op. cit., p. 14.

[103]Upendra Prasad Singh, Economic Development of India and Brazil: A Comparative Study (New Delhi: National Book Organization, 1986), pp. 297-298; Pramit Chaudhuri, The Indian Economy: Poverty and Development (New York: St. Martin's Press, 1979), pp. 217-218.

[104]Ravi Ramamurti, State-owned Enterprises in High Technology Industries: Studies in India and Brazil (New York: Greenwood Press, 1987), pp. 77-169.

[105]J.D. Sethi, Indian Economy Under Siege (Delhi: Vikas Publishing House Pvt., Ltd., 1992), pp. 63-70. The state's anti-monopoly law, enacted in 1969, required approvals for expansion of most large-scale production, and so favored the development of a private sector composed mainly of SMEs, rather than large firms that could benefit from economies of scale. Jason Dedrick and Kenneth L. Kraemer, "Information Technology in India: The Quest for Self-Reliance," Asian Survey, Vol. 33, No. 5 (May, 1993): 467.

[106]Gautam Sen, The Military Origins of Industrialisation and International Trade Rivalry (New York: St. Martin's Press, 1984), pp. 147-151; Bepin Behari, Mismanagement of Indian Economy (Delhi: B.R. Publishing Corp, 1991), pp. 196-204.

[107]Lall, op. cit., pp. 226-233, 240-241; Sukhamoy Chakravarty, Development Planning: The Indian Experience (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1987), pp. 64-69..

[108]Ibid., pp. 235-239.

[109]Anthony P. D'Costa, "The Long March to Capitalism: India's Resistance to and Reintegration with the World Economy," Paper presented at th 45th Annual Meeting of the Association for Asian Studies (Los Angeles, California), March 25-28, 1993, pp. 1-3, 12-15, 21-36.

[110]Sanjaya Lall, Learning to Industrialize: The Acquisition of Technological Capability by India (London: MacMillan Press, Ltd., 1987), pp. 23-28. Exports accounted for 2.4% of India's economy in 1948, but had fallen to 0.41% by 1981. By contrast, Korea's exports were less than 1% in 1960, but by 1980 were four times the size of India's. "What Reforms Can Do For India," Dataquest (October, 1992): 106.

[111]Ramashray Roy, "India in 1992: Search for Safety," Asian Survey, Vol. 33, No. 2 (February, 1993): 122; "The Liberalization Steps," Dataquest, (November, 1991): 102; Kingshuk Nag, "Industrial Policy: Only a beginning," Business India (August 5-18, 1991): 55-56; "A year of reforms," Business India (July 6-19, 1992): 52-60; Teesta Betalvad, et al., "The manpower mess," Business India (September 28-October 11, 1992): 97-100.

[112]The World Bank, Staff Appraisal Report..., op. cit., p. 16.

[113]Lall (1984), op. cit., pp. 233-235; Deolalikar and Evenson, op. cit., pp. 241-245; The World Bank, Staff Appraisal Report..., op. cit., p. 14.

[114]Shrader, op. cit., p. 76.

[115]Deolalikar and Evenson, op. cit., pp. 252.

[116]K.S. Jayaraman, "Atomic energy gets priority," Nature (March 29, 1990): 371.

[117]Pramit Chaudhuri, The Indian Economy: Poverty and Development (New York: St. Martin's Press, 1979), pp. 217-218; V.N. Balasubramanyam, The Economy of India (London: Weidenfeld and Nicolson, Ltd., 1984), pp. 151-165.

[118]Ashok V. Desai, "Technology Acquisition and Application: Interpretations of the Indian Experience," in Robert E.B. Lucas and Gustav F. Papanek, eds., The Indian Economy: Recent Development and Future Prospects (Boulder: Westview Press, 1988), pp. 163-183; Sanjaya Lall, "India's Technological Capacity: Effects of Trade, Industrial, Science and Technology Policies," in Martin Fransman and Kenneth King, eds., Technological Capacity in the Third World (New York: St. Martin's Press, 1984), pp. 229-233.

[119]Rahul Jacob, "India Gets Moving," Fortune, September 5, 1994, pp. 100-104; Peter Fuhrman and Michael Schuman, "'Now we are our own masters,'" Forbes (May 23, 1994): 128-138.

[120]For a fuller discussion of these changes, see The World Bank, Staff Appraisal Report: India Industrial Technology Development Project (New York: The World Bank, August 15, 1989), pp. 1-11.

[121]Sanjaya Lall, "Technological Capabilities and Industrialization," World Development, Vol. 20, No. 2 (February, 1992): 169-180.

[122]R.S. Anderson, op. cit., pp. 40-41, 42-44.

[123]Malik and Bhardwaj, op. cit., pp. 6-7.

[124]J.S. Rao, op. cit., p. 131. Agriculture has been the primary focus of Indian biotechnology efforts. Partly with funds from U.S. AID, the Indian state has been building an agricultural gene bank at the Indian Agricultural Research Institute in New Delhi, which when finished in 1994 is to hold as many as 800,000 varieties of seeds. Its parent is the National Bureau for Plant Genetic Resources, which is often ranked, along with facilities in the U.S. and Russia, as among the world's best gene banks. "Indians protest against US-led gene bank," Nature (January 28, 1993): 291.V.

[125]R.S. Anderson, op. cit., pp. 41-42; K.K. Pathak, Nuclear Policy of India: A Third World Perspective (New Delhi: Gitanjali Prakashan, 1980), pp. 28-39.

[126]J.S. Rao, op. cit., p. 132; Pathak, op. cit., pp. 123-136.

[127]J.S. Rao, op. cit., p. 132; Helen Gavaghan, "India's practical path to space," Nature (November 5, 1988): 28-29.

[128]Hamish McDonald, "Price of Self-Reliance: Success Came Slowly and Expensively," Far Eastern Economic Review (December 10, 1992): 48-50.

[129]"Multirole LCA Cuts Radar Signature," Aviation Week and Space Technology (July 25, 1995): 42-43.

[130]The Indian computer market is still small, with perhaps much untapped potential. Japan consumed 2 million PCs in 1990, over 7 times the number in use in India that year. There are 3,500 persons for each PC in India, vs. 36 in Korea and 18 in Singapore. "Still a Micro Market," Dataquest, (November, 1991): 105.

[131]"The New IBM Way," Dataquest (March, 1992): 103; Dedrick and Kraemer, op. cit., pp. 475-477; Joseph M. Grieco, Between Dependency and Autonomy: India's Experience with the International Computer Industry (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1984), pp. 50-51, 66-68, 102, 147-149.

[132]So far, the only science city to be established is at Bangalore. The others are to be set up in the northern, western, and eastern regions of India.

[133]These include the TIFR, the Central Electronics Engineering Research Institute, the Indian Institute of Science, and 5 institutes of technology. Girdner, op. cit., pp. 1193-1196, 1201.

[134]IBM was in the process of changing its corporate strategy due to major financial problems, and decided an alliance with a local Indian manufacturer was acceptable, since it could not have the total control it wanted. "The Return of IBM," Dataquest (March, 1992): 98-102; K.G. Kumar and Madhav Reddy, "Ratan Tata: The end of innocence," Business India (December 23, 1991-January 5, 1992): 55-56, 59, 60; Carl Goldstein, "Big Blue Returns," Far Eastern Economic Review (October 10, 1991): 66.

[135]Rahul Sharma, "A Significant Move," Business India (April 29-May 12, 1991): 60-62. Other international collaborations include Digital Electronics India, Ltd. (DEIL) with both Digital Corp. and Apple Computers of the U.S., and ICIM with Fujitsu of Japan. Wipro Infotech has three tie-ups: with Sun Microsystems of the U.S. for workstations, Tandem Computers for on-line systems, and Seiko Epson of Japan for printers. HCL-HP is now the market leader for hardware, with Wipro, PCL, and DEIL also in the top five. "Soft bytes, and hard battles," Business India (August 31-September 13, 1992): 126-129; Sushila Ravindranath, "A quiet confidence," Business India (November 25-December 8, 1991): 65-68; "Becoming Global," Dataquest (October, 1992): 106-107. Tata, a conglomerate of 46 companies, hopes to concentrate on a few key industries: trucks and automobiles, computers and computer services, steel, construction engineering, and telecommunications. Pete Engardio and Shekhar Hattangadi, "India's Mr. Business," Business Week (April 18, 1994): 100-101.

[136]"Personal Computers and the World Software Market," Communications of the ACM (February, 1991): 25-26.

[137]Robert Schware, "Software Industry Entry Strategies for Developing Countries: A 'Walking on Two Legs' Proposition," World Development, Vol. 20, No. 2 (February, 1992): 148-151. Software exports reached $164 million in 1991. "The SW Promise," Dataquest (October, 1992): 103.

[138]Dedrick and Kraemer, op. cit., pp. 479-480; Sunita Wadekar Bhargava, "Software from India? Yes, it's for Real," Business Week (January 18, 1993): 77.

[139]"In Search Of A Policy," Dataquest (October, 1992): 85-88.

[140] "Soft bytes...," Business India, op. cit., pp. 131-135; "The SW Promise," Dataquest, op. cit., p. 103; Jon Udell, "India's Software Edge," Byte (September, 1993): 55-60.

[141]Though born in India, Pitroda had a long career in the U.S., where he developed over fifty patents for digital technologies. He returned to India to become an advisor to the prime minister before heading C-DOT. Pitroda has also been the subject of a recent biography. For a personal view of his work, see Pitroda, "Development, Democracy, and the Village Telephone," Harvard Business Review (November-December, 1993): 66-79.

[142]Robert Crawford, "Out of the dark ages," Far Eastern Economic Review (November 22, 1990): 78.

[143]The joint ventures included: 1) GEC of Britain and Siemens with K.K. Birla, 2) Ericsson with Jiwarajikar interests, 3) AT&T with Tata Telecom, 4) Fujitsu with Punjab State Electronic Production and Development Corp., and 5) Alcatel with B.K. Modi. "Hello, India," Business India (October 12-25, 1992): 55-57.

[144]Eapen Thomas, et al., "Telephone trauma," Business India (October 12-23, 1992): 59-60; Peter O'Neill, "Modernization of the Balkan networks," Telecommunications (April, 1993):14, 17. Rosane Rocher is Professor of South Asian Studies in the Department of South Asia Regional Studies at the University of Pennsylvania.

[145]A report on the first edition of this course, "Building Community Spirit: A Writing Course on the Indian American Experience," is forthcoming in an anthology of the Association for Asian American Studies being edited by Lane R. Hirabayashi and others.

[146]takhan se janito. . . ekdin svaya[[cedilla]] tinÒi bandhur sange t[[daggerdbl]]ke dekhite [[daggerdbl]]sibe eba[[cedilla]] dekhiy[[daggerdbl]] pachando koriy[[daggerdbl]] j[[daggerdbl]]ibe! (M[[daggerdbl]]nik Granth[[daggerdbl]]bal,,, V. 4, p.406)